Exhibition
The focus of my exhibition will be tied to the use of marginal imagery within European illuminated manuscripts from the medieval time period. Often times this content will also be called bas de page illustration. The argument that I am looking to make is centered around the idea that the peripheral imagery located around the central content of a manuscript can often times shed more light on a manuscript's history than the main content itself. Information that would otherwise have been lost to time or interpretation is solidified by these insightful insertions. From learning about provenance to gaining insight into a manuscripts production, the margin and the bottom of the page are key to understanding the Medieval Period.
Part of my reason for exploring this topic is because of the interesting nature of the imagery but also because so much time is spent on the main content of a manuscript (for obvious reasons). Following the lead of art historians like Lilian M. C. Randal, I thought it might be interesting to explore what might be found in the gutters of the cornerstone of medieval artistry.
Before exploring any manuscript it is important that the terms bas de page and marginal content be defined. Bas de page illustration is the term used to describe any illustrative content that exists at the bottom of a manuscript page. More specifically, these illustrations tend to come at the bottom of a body of text. However, this does not mean that the illustrations need to relate to the text directly.
Thematically, bas de page illustrations can range from coat’s of arms to comical depictions of animals. As Krystyna Weinstein states “fewer conventions limited their [artist’s] imagination when it came to the bas de page,”1 and as a result, we are left with many manuscripts (often times religious) containing secular, ars profana. Surprisingly, these illustrations are marked by a widespread tolerance. Few instances of opposition occur when it comes to bas-de-page illustration, but the most notable instance comes from Bernard of Clairvaux. The Cistercian monk's opposition stems from “a protest against both the distractive influence and the extravagance of this type of ornament.”2 By the end of the thirteenth century, Lilian M. C. Randall argues that the protest against bas-de-page illustration had died out due to ecclesiastic, social, economic, and intellectual changes.
While bas-de-page illustration deals strictly with content found at the bottom of the page, marginal illustration and notation can be found anywhere on the page. Furthermore, marginal content tends to be added to the page without planning. The notes and scribbles in the margin reveal things such as past ownership or reader notes. As a result, these after the fact additions can be very useful for art historians.3
At the core of my exhibit, I have chosen folio 1 from Thomas à Kempis', Imatio Christi. This book was created at some point between 1469 and 1491 and it opens up with a beautiful albeit "exuberant pen decoration"4 as well as the coat of arms for Kaspar II Augsburger and the monastery of St. Georgenberg. At first glance, the eyes are overwhelmed by the lavish flourishes and bright content surrounding the text of the page. Though the flourishes are less useful in learning about the history of this book, the coat of arms provides us with a wealth of knowledge.
Coat of arms, or heraldry, was an invention of the mid-twelfth century. As Meredith Lillich puts it, they are "a code carrying important messages about ownership, patronage, or at the least, general political or social affiliation."5 Through careful use of an ordinary, a trained scholar would be able to track down the meaning and history of this white and red shield associated with Kaspar II Augsburger.
Beyond just imagery margins will often contain stray information often added to the margins after the book has been finished. In this case, a small note can be found penned into the upper right corner of f. 1. It says “Ad Bibliothecam Monasterii Montis S. <erased, Georgii> 1659." It is from this note that one is able to tie the manuscript to Benedikt Herschl's reorganization of the library at St. Georgenberg.6
After the first page, there appears to be no other marginal notes or imagery. This might lead to the conclusion that all the decoration and illustration found in the margins of the first page were intended to further draw attention to the coat of arms. The artist was pushing to have the provenance of this book clearly defined right from the outset, letting it be known that this was Kaspar Augsburger's attempt at imitating Christ. Once having made this connection the rest of the book was left sparse to once again draw the connection to Christ's piety and non-materialism.
In addition to providing metadata, marginal content, though small in size, can shed light onto "virtually every aspect of contemporary thought and tradition."7 From humor to sex, to daydreams, manuscript margins became like fine sieves catching all the information that got lost in creating the central content.
Unfortunately, the information gained from marginal imagery can be quite difficult to understand and interpret. At times, the connection can be seemingly chaotic and haphazard leading to interesting new speculations. One strong example of this situation comes from the bas de page illustrations found in the Hours of Jean d'Evreux.
In the eyes of Madeline Caviness, bas-de-page illustration is used as an argument that the Hours of Jean d'Evreux are a form of "psychological clitoridectomy."8 The images found in the margin of the page are cited as means of scaring Jean d'Evreux back to her reading. Though there will never be a conclusive statement about what the marginal imagery was intended for, the imagery helps historians like Caviness build a fuller understanding of sexuality and gender during the medieval ages. Even more importantly, as a female historian, the marginal imagery provides leverage for Caviness to make an argument against a male-centric perspective on Art History as a whole.
Surprisingly, this marginal illustration is not unique to the Hours of Jean d'Evreux. In fact, it seems as if Les Grandes Heures du Duc de Berry directly copied the illustration and inserted it into the Duc’s manuscript. In doing so, a whole new meaning is imparted to the tiny figures. What was once a deterrent, is now a voyeuristic pleasure as argued by Michael Camille.9 For Jean de Berry, these marginal illustrations might have served as a sexual object to look at while using his book of hours.
This reuse of marginal imagery from the Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux raises an interesting question about bas-de-page illustrations and marginalia. Is it possible that this type of content had a program that related to the main program of the manuscript? In Lilian Randal's introduction to her book Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts, she suggests that there might be "an unrecognized underlying scheme."10 This idea that there might have been programs for the marginal content would be interesting and quite revealing, however, it is struck down by Richard H. Randall in his article "Frog in the Middle."
Randall brings the Book of Hours of Joan II of Navarre in to compare the intense similarities between the two books' bas-de-page illustrations. From a quick inspection, it is clear that the Navarre manuscript has copied the program of the Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux. But in addition, it has also copied many of the cartoons and figures scattered about the pages. What Randall argues though, is that though there is reuse of imagery, the lack of fidelity in reproduction makes it difficult to declare a relationship between the program of the book and the content found in the margins.11
The primary illustration driving this argument is the scene of frog in the middle (la grenouille). In comparing several contemporary uses of the scene, Randall looks towards the context of each illustration. From the Romance of Alexander to the Chansonnier de Paris each one has a different take on the image. This leads Randall to the claim that "the bas de page beneath the Annunciations in the Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux and Joan of Navarre depends on the particular interrelation of the two manuscripts rather than on a significant meaning of the game itself or a relation to the other elements with which it appears."12
From the margins of manuscripts, art historians are also able to gain a better understanding of how manuscripts were made. Arguably they are not the main method for understanding how manuscripts were produced. Regardless, the side notes inserted by scribes and artists help to illuminate the process. For example, in the Sommium super materia schismatis by Honoré Bouvet, we see instructions written by the scribe (possible Jean Gerson), stating the directions for the artists: "Here let the kind of Scotland be painted and the figure as was said above."13 Sometimes, further clarificatory notes have been left such as: "This space has been left in error because nothing should be painted in it."14
It is in the margins that we also gain insight into how artists worked, sketching out small figures to better understand the composition. Most of these sketches are lost to trimming but the ones that remain are quite fascinating. As Jonathan J.G. Alexander explains, many of the sketches are of nudes. His argument is that these artists were interested in exploring unique compositions rather than copying traditional iconography. Unlike their successors in the Renaissance period, they were not as interested in life drawing and these marginal nude sketches should not be taken to mean that they were drawing from life.15
Beyond gaining insight into the production methods of manuscripts, margins are a good place to learn about the humor and rhetorical style of people in the Middle Ages. One key example of this can be found in a prayer book from the late Medieval period. It is here that we find a melting snowman sitting inline with a rather serious piece of text relating to the life of Jesus. As Herman Pleij and Diane Webb state, snowmen were quite common in the 14th and 15th century. However, their use in relation to such a serious piece of scripture is quite surprising to a modern day viewer. One might even be offended if they found comedy wedged in something that was meant to be somber.16
The line next to the snowman reads “Lord, you gave up the ghost shortly after uttering the words, ‘It is finished.’ ”17 It is from this pairing of polar meanings that we gain insight into an emotive technique common to the Medieval period. According to Pleij and Webb, it was quite popular to pair the ideal world with a world that is grotesque and darkly comedic. Through this blasphemous pairing, the ideal world is made to radiate peace and harmony.
***
After having explored countless marginal images and bas-de-page illustrations, I have to say I had a very enjoyable time. Unlike the main program's of manuscripts, the surrounding content can be quite whimsical and unique. Often times, in books like the Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux, the margin's drove the character of the book. Being able to explore topics of heraldry, humor, sexuality, and craftsmanship through the margins of manuscripts was thoroughly captivating. It also made me realize how easily one might overlook the content due to its out-of-the-way nature. Sometimes, as with the manuscript from Les Enluminures, the illustration was quite clear what it meant, but other times, figures like those from Les Grandes Heures could be interpreted in many different ways. Overall though, it is apparent that bas-de-page and marginal illustrations are a crucial piece to understanding Medieval manuscripts.
Bibliography
1. Weinstein, Krystyna. The Art of Medieval Manuscripts. San Diego, CA: Laurel Glen Publishing, 1997, 45.
2. Randall, Lilian M. C. Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966, 3.
3. Clemens, Raymond, and Timothy Graham. Introduction to Manuscript Studies. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2007, 45.
4. "Thomas à Kempis, Imitatio Christi." Kempis Imitatio Medieval Manuscript. Accessed April 23, 2018. http://www.textmanuscripts.com/medieval/kempis-imitatio-christi-60859.
5. Lillich, Meredith Parsons. "Early Heraldry: How to Crack the Code." Gesta 30, no. 1 (1991): 41. doi:10.2307/767008.
6. "Thomas à Kempis, Imitatio Christi."
7. Lilian M. C. Randall. vii.
8. Caviness, Madeline H. "Patron or Matron? A Capetian Bride and a Vade Mecum for Her Marriage Bed." Speculum 68, no. 2 (1993): 356. doi:10.2307/2864556.
9. Camille, Michael. "'For Our Devotion and Pleasure': The Sexual Objects of Jean, Duc de Berry," Art History 24, no. 2 (2001):169-94. doi:10.1111/1467-8365.00259.
10. Lilian M. C. Randall. 19.
11. Randall, Richard H. "Frog in the Middle." The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 16, no. 10 (1958): 269-75. doi:10.2307/3257771.
12. Richard H. Randall. 273.
13. Alexander, Jonathan J. G. Medieval Illuminators and Their Methods of Work. Yale University Press, 1994. 56.
14. Jonathan J. G. Alexander. 56.
15. Jonathan J. G. Alexander. 68.
16. Pleij, Herman, and Webb, Diane. "Didactic Differences." In Dreaming of Cockaigne: Medieval Fantasies of the Perfect Life, 345. Columbia University Press, 2001. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7312/plei11702.36.
17. Herman Pleij and Diane Webb. 347.